Tiểu Thạch Nguyễn văn Thái, Ph.D.
In the article “Around the question of whether Hồ Chí Minh died in 1932”, I stated that although there were plenty of incidents ascertaining that Hồ Chí Minh had died in 1932 or 1933. The evidence, however, only allows readers to have a fairly solid foundation to extrapolate with a high probability of accuracy such a conclusion. Nevertheless, affirming Hồ Chí Minh died in 1932 would require more direct historical evidence that can point to his factual death. The fact revealed by author Huỳnh Tâm is in a document that directly ascertains that Hồ Chí Minh died in 1932 or 1933: “Nguyễn Ái Quốc indeed died of tuberculosis in 1933; however, there do exist other documents claiming that he died in 1932 and that his body was cremated and his ashes (coded 00567) preserved at the Kuntsevo cemetery, Moscow, Russia.” (danlambao. Paris 21.10.2017, Episode 2). This is, however, only one document. To have credibility, there need to be more historical sources confirming the same event. Unfortunately, no other historical documents point to Hồ Chí Minh’s death in 1932 or 1933, except for international communist newspapers such as the Pravda of Russia, the Labour Monthly and the Worker of England, and L’humanité of France as well as the French government; all announced that Hồ Chí Minh had died in 1932. Even the Vietnamese communist online newspaper concurred (See Nguyễn văn Thái, “Around the question of whether Hồ Chí Minh died in 1932”), but later reneged on the assertion and claimed that Hồ Chí Minh was still alive, accusing the French Intelligence of spreading fake news to discourage the Vietnamese people’s will to fight or claiming that the Vietnamese communists themselves were spreading fake news to blind the French secret service in its pursuit of Nguyễn Ái Quốc.
Another avenue to research may shed light on these two opposite positions: (1) Nguyễn Ái Quốc died in 1932 or 1933 and (2) Nguyễn Ái Quốc was alive and continued to conduct revolutionary activities until September 2, 1969. In the article “Around the question of whether Hồ Chí Minh died in 1932”, I presented historical evidence supporting the fact that Hồ Chí Minh died of serious chronic tuberculosis due to want of antibiotics at the time. However, regardless of how much people believe this conclusion to be true, it is only an inference because the historical events quoted are simply indirect evidence. Nevertheless, this pro tempore conclusion unveils another perspective. The conclusion that Hồ Chí Minh died in 1932 or 1933 suggests there should have been two Hồ Chí Minhs: One Hồ Chí Minh who was Nguyễn Ái Quốc of the period from 1890 to 1932/1933 and another Hồ Chí Minh, who was not Nguyễn Ái Quốc, of the period from 1932/1933 to 1969.
If it can be proven that Hồ Chí Minh was two different personages playing two different roles in two distinct historical periods, then the conclusion that Nguyễn Ái Quốc died in 1932 or 1933 can be ascertained.
Hồ Tuấn Hùng [胡俊熊], a professor of history in Taiwan, is the first person to forward the postulation that Hồ Chí Minh of the years 1890-1932/1933 and Hồ Chí Minh of the years 1932/1933-1969 were two different personages. He has defended, if not say proven, his position through his work Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo (胡志明生平考) [A Study of Hồ Chí Minh’s Life] in a most careful, articulate, and coherent manner by citing historical events meticulously researched by renowned historians specializing in Hồ Chí Minh such as Willliam J. Duiker, Jean Lacouture, Sofie Quinn Judge…
Regardless, two people flatly refuted this argument. It is writer Vũ Thư Hiên and journalist Bùi Tín (passed on August 11, 2018). Vũ Thư Hiên is the son of Vũ Đình Huỳnh, one of the three special secretaries to Hồ Chí Minh. Bùi Tín was a former colonel in the Vietnam People’s Army and the assistant editor-in-chief of the Nhân Dân Newspaper. Vũ Thư Hiên claimed that when he was 17, he once saw Hồ Chí Minh, who, according to him, was an old man 60 years of age and not a man 49 years old, whom Hồ Tuấn Hùng was trying to prove to be Hồ Tập Chương (born in 1901), who was trained in Russia to impersonate Nguyễn Ái Quốc (born in 1890; on the identity card issued by the French government, 1894). Vũ Thư Hiên argued that thousands of people had seen Hồ Chí Minh, and yet, the fact that no one recognized his identity as a Chinese was an incredible claim. Bùi Tín purported to bring up the incident that “when “chairman” Hồ Chí Minh visited his native village, an old man pointed at a scar on his ear, which had been caused by a fishhook when he was still a little boy, shouting, “This ‘dude’ is little Côn, indeed!” Bùi Tín also asserted that Hồ Chí Minh spoke the pure Nam Đàn dialect and assessed Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo was just crap, a book of absurd fiction not worth reading.
As a matter of fact, regarding age, one may notice a great difference in physical appearance between two young people three or four years of age apart. But beyond the age of 50, one usually can hardly tell the difference between people six to ten years apart. Furthermore, differentiating a Chinese from a Vietnamese is not as easy as Mr. Vũ Thư Hiên thought, especially when one was trained by international intelligence services.
The incident about the old man calling “chairman” Hồ Chí Minh “dude” and “little Côn” is inconceivable, especially in Vietnamese culture. Furthermore, according to Hoàng Tùng’s memoir, the anecdote about the fishhook was reported to have been told by Mrs. Bạch Liên (Mrs. Thanh), Hồ Chí Minh’s sister, when she visited him. As far as whether Hồ Chí Minh spoke the pure Nam Đàn dialect was demonstrated in the interview with him by correspondent Suzuki Toshi Iti of the Japanese NTN Television (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nCPdpYMrhzI). In this interview, Hồ Chí Minh spoke Vietnamese with a vaguely foreign accent and had to hold on to a script to read from and he did not even read fluently.
I am wondering if writer Vũ Thư Hiên and journalist Bùi Tín even read Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo since none of them rebutted any of Hồ Tuấn Hùng’s arguments, at least some of the essential points in the book, or they simply could not. On the other hand, even if Vũ Thư Hiên and Bùi Tín did indeed see Hồ Chí Minh, they could see him only in 1945 and after, and therefore had no criteria for comparison. The people who knew Nguyễn Ái Quốc and Hồ Chí Minh were Võ Nguyên Giáp, Phạm Văn Đồng, Lê Duẩn, Trường Chinh, Hoàng Văn Hoan, Hồ Tùng Mậu, Lê Hồng Sơn, Phạm Hồng Thái, Lê Hồng Phong, Lâm Đức Thụ, Nguyễn Giản Thanh, Đặng Xuân Hồng, Trương Quốc Huy, Lê Cầu, Nguyễn Công Viễn, Nguyễn Thị Minh Khai, Trần Phú, Bùi Công Trừng, Phùng Chí Kiên, Lê Thiết Hùng, Nguyễn Lương Bằng, Nghiêm Kế Tổ, Trương Bội Công, Vũ Hồng Khanh, Nguyễn Hải Thần, Ngô Gia Tự, Nguyễn Đức Cảnh, Nguyễn Phong Sắc, Đỗ Ngọc Du, Dương Hạc Đính, Nguyễn Tuân, Mai Ngọc Thiệu, Trần Tư Chính và Nguyễn Sơn (Hồng Thủy). These people certainly had their own reason for not telling the truth. However, it is highly probable that the reason was they had to follow the order of the Third International (Comintern).
Mr. Bùi Tín also stated that historian Hồ Tuấn Hùng fabricated the story of Nguyễn Ái Quốc and Hồ Chí Minh as two different people. Reading Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo, one will acknowledge that Hồ Tuấn Hùng, to defend his arguments, used historical facts that had been carefully researched by renowned historians specializing in the study of Hồ Chí Minh. Additionally, he presented other evidence unveiling the fact that Hồ Chí Minh was another person impersonating Nguyễn Ái Quốc during the period from 1934 to 1969. Following hereinafter are facts that support the argument that a fake Hồ Chí Minh was playing the to-be-continued role of Nguyễn Ái Quốc.
- About Illnesses
The first hard-to-refute historical fact is Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s illness during the period from 1927 to 1933. As has been presented in the article “Around the question of whether Hồ Chí Minh died in 1932”, Nguyễn Ái Quốc had contracted chronic tuberculosis and it became acute during the period from 1931 to 1932/1933, so acute that he coughed up blood several times for want of antibiotics for relief because this kind of medicine was invented only in the years 1943 and 1946. This historical fact would permit people to believe that Nguyễn Ái Quốc could have died in 1932 or 1933.
Nonetheless, according to historian Céline Mérangé, Nguyễn Ái Quốc appeared in Moscow and attended the International Lenin School in 1934. French intelligence also confirmed that Nguyễn Ái Quốc was still alive. His life, under the name Hồ Chí Minh, of revolutionary activities continued until September 2, 1969.
However, Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s health status from 1934 and thereafter allows one to believe that Hồ Chí Minh was not Nguyễn Ái Quốc, but somebody else who continued to play the role of Nguyễn Ái Quốc. Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s tuberculosis grew more and more serious, especially during the years 1932-1933, to the point he had to confess in a letter to Lâm Đức Thụ, a comrade, that he might die in prison. Nevertheless, all of a sudden, from 1934 and thereafter, no document ever mentioned Hồ Chí Minh’s tuberculosis again. Furthermore, it’s well known that he was a heavy smoker. There do exist, however, documents about his malaria instead. In 1945 “A physician of the US Center for Strategic Studies (paratroop) diagnosed Hồ Chí Minh with, besides malaria, dysentery”. (Ho Chi Minh. Duiker, William J. Duiker, pp. 301-302).
His malaria has been recorded in a historical document:
From 1944 to 1950, during the period Hồ Chí Minh was on business trips in China, Hoàng Văn Hoan recounted, “At the end of March 1945, after our work trip at the Đông Khê geographical area, we moved to Xuân Sơn to organize some movements for mobilizing people. It was at this very moment that we saw Chairman Hồ come down from Bắc Pha. I accompanied Chairman Hồ for some distance. During the walk, Hồ Chí Minh had bouts of malaria (or contracted some kind of strange disease, with rapid, alternating hot and cold flashes). During hot flashes, his body temperature went sky high, trembling frenetically. During cold flashes, his teeth were chattering frantically; it’s got to be malaria). Comrade Phạm Việt Tử had to use a syringe pump to intravenously infuse quinine into his body, saying that this medicine would stop the fever.”
In July 1945, Võ Nguyên Giáp narrated, “On his way from Tĩnh Khê (China) back to Vietnam, Hồ Chí Minh’s former disease relapsed, with many days of very high fever that induced unconsciousness. We managed to find a local traditional healer of the Đại ethnicity who knew how to prepare a drug that could lower body temperature. Uncle took the medicine two or three times a day, and finally, the fever subsided. After that, work could continue.” (Giọt nước trên Biển Cả [A Drop of Water in the Ocean] by Hoàng Văn Hoan, pp. 180-181. Publishing House: Liberating Army, China, 1987.)
From 1933 Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s tuberculosis was growing so acute to the point he coughed up blood several times, for want of antibiotics for treatment. Then from 1934 onward, all of a sudden, Hồ Chí Minh no longer had tuberculosis, but only malaria and dysentery, and then died of a heart disease on September 2, 1969. The illnesses at the two continuous time frames were so different that it would be inconceivable to assert that those are the illnesses of the same person.
- About the Journey to Moscow
His journey to Moscow in 1933, according to researchers about Hồ Chí Minh, unveiled two separate routes.
According to Hồ Tuấn Hùng, “If the records on Nguyễn Ái Quốc in Paul Draken’s memoir are compared with those of William J. Duiker, Sophie Quinn-Judge, along with Chairman Hồ Chí Minh of Vietnam by Lý Gia Trung, former ambassador of the People’s Republic of China to Vietnam, with a citation from Nguyễn Việt Hồng’s article “ The Hongkong Incident of 1931; then Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s departure from Hong Kong appeared to be an almost unanimously agreed upon and confirmed. This occurrence can be considered a historical fact, from which the following conclusion can be drawn: At the end of January 1932, Nguyễn Ái Quốc left Hong Kong with Paul Draken’s friend, Anne Kennedy, owner of the hydro-aeroplane named China Pearl, by flying to Huangpu River, and thereafter was picked up by a comrade of his, rowing him on a small boat to Shanghai. (Anne Kennedy was an elder cousin of the 35th US president, John F. Kennedy, whose father was an oil tycoon; Hoàng Kim Vinh, godfather of the Shanghai Black Clan, was her adopted father). Also, according to Bảo Long La’s memoir, “At the beginning of 1932, Nguyễn Ái Quốc took a flight on a hydro-aeroplane named China Pearl from Hong Kong to Huangpu River and then went to Shanghai on a small rowing boat.”
In the meantime, a great number of other researchers reported that “At the beginning of 1933, Hồ Chí Minh came to Shanghai from Amoy (Xiamen)”. According to Hồ Tuấn Hùng, this discrepancy is because Hồ Chí Minh [who was Hồ Tập Chương: 胡 集 璋 儿] was mistaken for Nguyễn Ái Quốc. Nguyễn Ái Quốc was escorted by the British spy Paul Draken onto a hydro-aeroplane that flew directly to Huangpu River, got picked up by a comrade to go to Shanghai, and then died on his way to Moscow. In the meantime, Hồ Chí Minh started going from Siam (Thailand) to Amoy, then to Hong Kong to continue his journey to Moscow.
“In the Fall of 1929, Hồ Tập Chương’s third elder brother Hồ Tập Phỉ, together with his brother-in-law Lưu Anh Hán and a friend from Zongli (in Taiwan), arrived at Kaelung harbor to board a Japanese ship on its way to Shanghai. After 1932, the friends took turns communicating with their families, telling them that Hồ Tập Chương was working for the “Pacific Trade Union” in Shanghai during the period between the summer and the fall of 1931 and was temporarily jailed because of his printing secret documents, and later succeeded in escaping to Guangzhou, but was arrested again in Guangzhou until he was rescued and moved to Siam (Thailand), the limitrophe of Vietnam and China, ready for operation”.
“…Especially worthy of note is the fact that in 1930, both Nguyễn Ái Quốc and Hồ Tập Chương were on the same reserve team for the establishment of the Vietnamese Communist Party. In the summer of 1931, Nguyễn Ái Quốc and Hồ Tập Chương were both arrested at the same time in Hongkong and Guangzhou…In 1931, Hồ Tập Chương changed his name to Hồ Chí Minh; therefore, his identity card bears the name Hồ Chí Minh and this name has been frequently used ever since 1942.” (Hồ Tuấn Hùng. Ibid).
- About Physical Appearance
Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s and Hồ Chí Minh’s (Hồ Tập Chương’s] physical appearances were different. However, Hồ Tập Chương’s look bore some resemblance to Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s. Professor Hồ Tuấn Hùng used pictures of the two people to compare and differentiate who was Nguyễn Ái Quốc and who was Hồ Tập Chương. However, of special interest is a document that, according to author Huỳnh Tâm’s revelation, was deposited in the archives of the Nationalist Revolutionary Army of China concerning Hồ Tập Chương’s arrest in 1942 by Chiang Kai-shek’s army. Hồ Tập Chương confessed to Colonel Luo Zhuoying ( 羅卓英), the officer in charge of interrogating prisoners, the following: “Sir, everybody knows who Nguyễn Ái Quốc is. Now I would like to affirm that Nguyễn Ái Quốc and I are different in many aspects. Even though I went through several plastic and orthopedic surgeries, I am still Hồ Tập Chương, a son of China (胡 集 璋 儿 子中国). I previously presented the issue but without adequate details. Now I would like to reiterate my assertion that I am not Nguyễn Ái Quốc, but as to his activities, I need a lot of practice, in trying to fuse Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s personality with his daily activities to conform with his social class in the smoothest way possible”.
Concerning Hồ Tập Chương’s physical appearance, according to the party profile, he was 1.62 meters in height with a high forehead, a thin frame, the left eye socket sunken in more than the right one, thick lips, and weighed 51 kg. On the other hand, on the identity card issued by the French government on September 4, 1919, Nguyễn Ái “Quấc” [sic] was recorded to have been born in 1894, with a height of 1.65 meters, a flat nose, of which the base evenly aligned, black hair, and black eyes.
The scar on his ear, the hallmark of Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s identity as Bùi Tín claimed, is not necessarily authentic since plastic surgery can fake it. Furthermore, Hồ Chí Minh returned to Vietnam only after 34 years of absence (1911-1945). Therefore, it would be difficult to compare differences.
- About Clothing
The way the two people dressed was completely different from each other. Journalist Hoàng Tùng, in a memoir, recounted an anecdote as follows: “Meeting Uncle at Temple Phú Xá. On that day I put on my normal fall outfit as other officials present do. Uncle looked at me and asked Trần Đăng Ninh, ‘‘Who’s that so well decked-out mandarin?’’
Generally, Hồ Chí Minh’s regular outfit is but unicolor clothing in the fashion of Lenin or Sun Yat-sen. This dressing style is rather simplistic, inattentive to formalities, and even plebby. This is the style that is particularly specific to Hồ Chí Minh. Contrarily, Nguyễn Ái Quốc appears trendy in dressing style. For example, in 1907, when 17 years of age, Nguyễn Ái Quốc left home for Huế to attend primary classes at Quốc Học School, and was mocked by his classmates for his appearance. On his own, he had his hair cut short and donned fashionable clothes. In France, the Soviet Union, or China, regardless of how distraught he might find himself in his financial situation, he still managed to put on a suit and tie outfit for meetings.
Professor William J. Duiker also had an observation about the difference in dressing styles between Nguyễn Ái Quốc and Hồ Chí Minh: “Nguyễn Ái Quốc was always well-groomed and wore neckties while Hồ Chí Minh’s dressing style was very sloppy; he never wore a tie and looked philistine.” (William J. Duiker. Ho Chi Minh: A Life, New York Hyperion, 2001).
- About Feelings Towards Family
Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s feelings towards his family were also very different from those of Hồ Chí Minh. Since he left Vietnam on the French passenger liner Amiral Latouche-Tréville for France, Nguyễn Ái Quốc only thought of self-advancement, of becoming an official for the French when he applied for the École Colonial, a school specializing in training a cadre of civil servants for the French to administer Vietnam upon their return. He even asked Mr. Khiêm, his elder brother, who was working at the French Residence Superior in Central Vietnam, to lobby for his entrance to the school.
Nguyễn Ái Quốc cared for his father. He sent a letter to the French Resident Superior of Central Vietnam, requesting that the latter transfer 15 piasters to his father because his father could not receive money orders directly. According to Lữ Phương’s From Nguyễn Tất Thành to Hồ Chí Minh, “… Not only did he send him money, but he also intended to request the colonial government to reinstate his father or find another job for him… Bùi Quang Chiêu’s September 21, 1922 confession to the Saigon Secret Service referred to his meeting Nguyễn Tất Thành (aka Văn Ba) on the Latouche-Tréville (of which, the name he forgot) as follows: He was working on the ship. He came to see me because I used to be a professor of agriculture and had taught his father in Huế during the period around 1901-1902. He told me it was the first time he went to France to appeal against his father having been fired recently. He wanted to stay, in the capacity of a househelp, at the residence of Ship Captain Đỗ-Hữu-Chân (?), who was on business in Marseille, to ask for the latter’s assistance in his appeal.”
On December 15, 1912, while in the US, he informed that of the three money orders that he had sent his father, he only received one response from the Residence Superior Office because this time it was the Resident Superior himself who directly transferred the money. So, now he wanted to send money to his father monthly and requested that the Resident Superior assist in finding a job for his father. He wrote a letter to the Resident as follows: “Oh, how distraught I feel! I live too far away from my parents and rarely do I receive any news from them; I wish I could help them, but I don’t know how! Boosted by the love of a child of my father’s, I dare beg you to offer him some kind of a job like an attendant at a Ministry or prefectural education officer, in order for him, with your magnanimous benevolence, to have the basic means of livelihood.”
It is clear that Nguyễn Tất Thành (i.e., Nguyễn Ái Quốc) left for France with “the goal to appeal against the firing of his father”. And from this act, we can safely conclude that Nguyễn Tất Thành did truly care for his father.
But Hồ Chí Minh was different. As the state “Chairman”, Hồ Chí Minh forgot all about his father, who [as a matter of fact, was Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s father] died “at some cold and deserted wasteland of Cao Lãnh, far away from his native village…” He “was showing indifference when he learned that people had carefully taken care of his father’s funeral and built a tomb for the interment of his father.” (Thiên Đức. “Vụ Án Buôn Vua Viet Nam Hồ Chí Minh” [The Case of Selling the Vietnam King, Hồ Chí Minh] . Đối Thoại [Dialogue]. February 2009. www.doithoaionline.com).
Author Phạm Quế Dương in an article entitled, “A Proposal for Clarifying the Issue: Is Hồ Chí Minh a Vietnamese or a Taiwanese?” recounted, “Many people came to exchange ideas with me, the majority of whom were people who had joined the resistance, soldiers, or propaganda and training cadres…A number of them protested, arguing that Những mẩu chuyện về đời hoạt động của Hồ Chủ Tịch [Anecdotes about Chairman Hồ’s life of activities] is just a fabrication, a make-believe that “black is white”. Others stated that they had heard the story long ago. Believing the author [Trần Dân Tiên], they put forward evidence: In 1957, Venerable Hồ Chí Minh came for a visit to his native Commune Kim Liên, Nam Đàn District, Nghệ An Province, but did not even light a stick of incense for his mother’s grave, Mrs. Hoàng Thị Loan’s. In 1945, when he started to assume the state chairmanship, his elder sister Nguyễn Thị Thanh came for a visit. Uncle Hồ avoided her, and did not dare to meet with her face to face; he only designated two high-ranking cadres to greet her.”
Hoàng Tùng, a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of Vietnam, in his book entitled Những Kỷ Niệm về Bác Hồ [Recollections of Uncle Hồ], recounted that when Mrs. Bạch Liên came to visit Uncle, “Uncle Hồ told me to take her (Bạch Liên) to my house. It would not be appropriate to leave her at the Bắc Bộ Phủ [The Tonkin Palace]. She ate lunch and slept overnight at my house. During the day, I took her out for a sightseeing tour. After this trip of hers, I don’t know if she ever came to visit him again. At that time, I resided at 23 Hàng Nón Street. She had brought him a gift of 20 chicken eggs, but he instructed me to take them all together to my house. ” (Vy Thanh. Hồ Chí Minh Cứu Nước? [Hồ Chí Minh Saved the Country?). 1st ed. Tủ sách Sự Thật (Truth Library). Seal Beach, Calif., USA, 2016). Hoàng Tùng also told the story about Hồ Chí Minh shunning away from paying a visit to Mrs. Bạch Liên when she passed on.
Lê Nguyên in Danlambao, Fall Issue, California, 2014, recounted, “ When Mr. Khiêm, i.e., Nguyễn Sinh Khiêm (Nguyễn Tất Thành’s eldest brother) and Mrs. Nguyễn Thị Thanh (Nguyễn Tất Thành’s elder sister) were still living in Nghệ An, Chairman Hồ Chí Minh never came home for a visit to his brother and sister. When these two people passed away, Hồ Chí Minh did not even come home to pay homage to them”.
“To his family, Hồ Chí Minh was a stranger, completely unconnected. Even an appropriate “end-of-life” gesture towards the passing of his brother and sister, Hồ Chí Minh refused to make. During the entire period of his chairmanship, Hồ Chí Minh never called for a family reunion meal or even the observance of the death anniversaries of his parents or ancestors.” (Thiên Đức. “ Vụ Án Buôn Vua Việt Nam Hồ Chí Minh [The Case of Selling the Vietnam King, Hồ Chí Minh] . Đối Thoại [Dialogue]. February, 2009. www.doithoaionline.com).
Hồ Chí Minh’s attitude reflected a psychology that was completely different from that of Nguyễn Tất Thành (i.e., Nguyễn Ái Quốc).
- About Love Relationships
Concerning love, Nguyễn Ái Quốc was very sentimental toward his wife, specifically toward Zeng Xueming. Hồ Chí Minh, on the other hand, did not even inquire about Zeng Xueming’s whereabouts because Zeng Xueming was Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s wife, not Hồ Chí Minh’s. Hồ Chí Minh had passionate love only for Lâm Y Lan [Lin Ylan?]. In 1938 Hồ Chí Minh lived with Lâm Y Lan as husband and wife.
In 1926, Nguyễn Ái Quốc celebrated his wedding with Zeng Xueming with the attendance of Deng Yingchao, Zhou Enlai’s wife, Thái Sướng (Tayu?), and Russian political advisor Mikhail Borodin. In the Spring of 1930, Nguyễn Ái Quốc and Nguyễn Thị Minh Khai had a simple wedding in a guest room in the witness of comrades coming from Saigon and Tokyo. (Hồ Tuấn Hùng. Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo [A Study of Hồ Chí Minh’s Life]. In 1931, Tống Văn Sơ (i.e., Nguyễn Ái Quốc) was arrested while he was living with NguyễnThị Minh Khai, a comrade of Nguyễn Ái Quốc.
The period Nguyễn Ái Quốc and Nguyễn Thị Minh Khai lived together was extremely short. In 1930, Nguyễn Ái Quốc took Nguyễn Thị Minh Khai with him from Vietnam to Hong Kong. While they were living together, he was arrested by the Hong Kong police on June 6, 1931, at 2:00 AM. There were no documents revealing Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s sentiment for Nguyễn Thị Minh Khai. But his love for Zen Xueming was fervid; she had been his wife since 1926. This sentiment was reflected in the hereinafter poem. Nguyễn Ái Quốc had many a time asked several people to transmit his letter to Zeng Xueming but to no avail. While in Thailand, he composed this letter poem in Chinese for Zeng Xueming. It was translated into Vietnamese by N.H. Thanh as follows:
Cùng em xa cách, Away from you
Ðã hơn một năm, For more than a year
Thương nhớ tình thâm, I miss you so, with profound love,
Không nói cũng rõ. You know without my saying it.
Cánh hồng thuận gió, This billet-doux, on the wind,
Vắn tắt vài dòng, Carries some brief sentences
Ðể em an lòng, To bring you peace of mind
Ấy anh ngưỡng vọng. That much I do hope.
Và xin kính chúc, My most respecful wishes
Nhạc mẫu vạn phúc. Of plenty of happiness to Mother-in-law.
Chuyết huynh Thụy. Your humble husband Thuỵ
Hồ Chí Minh, however, never enquired about Zeng Xueming, even though he was many times on business trips in China during the years 1944-1950, and when on visit tours or travels for medical treatment during the years 1950-1957, and according to Mark Bowden, during the period from September to December 1967, and from the beginning of January till the end of April 1968. (Mark Bowden. Huế 1968: A Turning Point of the American War in Vietnam).
In 1949 Mao conquered mainland China. On May 19, 1950, Zeng Xueming learned from newspapers that Chairman Mao Zedong sent his congratulations to Hồ Chí Minh on his 60th birthday (Hồ was at that time at the Northernmost war zone). Believing that her former husband was still alive, she managed to direct her inquiries to Ambassador Hoàng Văn Hoan at the Vietnamese Embassy in Peking and to the Chinese government for her to communicate with her husband, but both agencies maintained their silence. The simple reason for their silence was both were well aware that Hồ Chí Minh in the Northernmost war zone was not Nguyễn Ái Quốc, her former husband. (Trần Bình Nam. “Một Nghi vấn Lịch sử về Hồ Chí Minh” [A Historical Doubt About Hồ Chí Minh”. Feb. 26, 2013).
Contrarily, Hồ Chí Minh was passionately in love with Lâm Y Lan, the mistress who lived with him during the 1930s, the period during which Hồ Chí Minh was being closely pursued by the Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang Secret Police. Guangdong Provincial Party Secretary Táo Zhù arranged for a female cadre by the name of Lâm Y Lan to pose as his wife to protect him. “When they parted, Hồ Chí Minh embraced her warmly, wiping her tears away with his handkerchief ” and comforted her: “Be strong, don’t let our enemy deriding us for our feebleness”, then he pulled out a diary, gave it to her, and said, “My heart and soul confidences are all in there. I will be with you.” (Nguyễn Văn Phúc. “Hồ Chí Minh và tri kỷ má hồng – Lâm Y Lan tiểu thư” [Hồ Chí Minh and Soulmate Lady Lâm Y Lan]. Thursday, February 16, 2012, | 22:36).
In 1958, Táo Zhù came to Vietnam for a visit to Hồ Chí Minh. While the two of them were fishing at a river bank in Hanoi, Hồ Chí Minh asked Táo Zhù to serve as an intermediary to solicit the Peking leadership for authorization for Hồ Chí Minh to bring Lâm Y Lan to Vietnam for their wedding so he could enjoy his old age and also to fulfill his previous promise to her. Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai appeared to approve. However, in Vietnam, in a general meeting, Party Secretary General Lê Duẩn objected to Hồ Chí Minh’s request for the wedding. (Nguyễn Văn Phúc. Ibid.)
7. Language Proficiency
The difference between Nguyễn Ái Quốc and Hồ Chí Minh is even more pronounced when the two men’s proficiency levels in Vietnamese and Chinese are contrasted
“During the period from 1911 to 1933, Nguyễn Ái Quốc wrote only in French. From 1925 to 1926, Nguyễn Ái Quốc in Guangzhou wrote 88 editorials in French published in the weekly Vietnamese Revolutionary Youth League [Việt Nam Thanh Niên Cách Mệnh Đồng Chí Hội (越 南 青 年 革 命 同 志 会); Thanh Niên (青 年) for short]. Concerning Chinese, except for the letter to Zeng Xueming, Nguyễn Ái Quốc, while attending the Second Kuomintang National Congress of Delegates in Guangzhou in 1926, had sent a short letter in Chinese to the Congress to accuse the French of their cruel oppression of the Vietnamese people. (I noticed that this was the first time and the only time he publicly wrote anything in Chinese). During the meeting, Nguyễn Ái Quốc spoke in French with Nguyễn Phú Xuân’s assistance in the translation into Chinese”. (Hồ Tuấn Hùng. Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo [A Study of Hồ Chí Minh’s Life]).
Then, all of a sudden, from 1938 to 1945, Hồ Chí Minh never uttered a word in Vietnamese, but only spoke Cantonese or Mandarin Chinese fluently. Hồ Chí Minh no longer used Vietnamese or French to write but only used Chinese to write very lengthy articles about extremely complicated political issues. He demonstrated his excellent knowledge of the Han culture and even analyzed the political situation of Japan in Japanese newspapers, obvious evidence of his mastery of the Japanese language, in which, as we know, only Hồ Tập Chương was proficient. Hồ Chí Minh’s Chinese was erudite. He even used his finger to write Chinese calligraphy for demonstration. It is even stranger that Hồ Chí Minh wrote letters in Chinese to send back to Vietnam. These letters were in turn translated by Vietnamese newspapers and journals into Vietnamese and French for dissemination to different geographical areas with the propaganda purpose of glorifying China’s resistance against the Japanese and the Trotskyist activities in China. (Hồ Tuấn Hùng. Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo [A Study of Hồ Chí Minh’s Life]). “Anyone would probably know that Nguyễn Tất Thành’s (i.e., Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s) knowledge of Chinese included only a total of 3 to 4 years during his elementary schooling. During the period from 1923 to 1933, he was so busy with revolutionary activities on one hand; on the other, he was continually too racked by chronic tuberculosis to have time to study Chinese so assiduously as to become erudite, and erudite only from 1938 on. What creates even more surprise is that in those complicated political treatises, there did appear many times such sentences as “I don’t understand Vietnamese” and “I am Chinese”. (Hồ Tuấn Hùng. Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo [A Study of Ho Chi Minh’s Life]).
After the 8th Plenary Session of the CPV Central Committee, Hồ Chí Minh left Dốc Bắc for Tĩnh Tây to meet with Zhou Enlai to report on the situation of the Việt Minh war zone. On June 6, 1941, Hồ Chí Minh wrote, in Chinese, an appeal to the Vietnamese people, signed Nguyễn Ái Quốc (阮爱国). The document was translated by the CPV Central Committee into Vietnamese, calling for people to move ahead quickly and become united under the leadership of the “Việt Minh Front.” (Huỳnh Tâm. Danlambao. Paris, Episode 16/27).
Of particular interest is that Hồ Chí Minh, under the pen name Trần Dân Tiên, wrote his first autobiography in Chinese, published in 1947 [sic], which was later translated into French. The Vietnamese copy entitled Những Mẩu Chuyện về Cuộc Đời Hoạt động của Hồ Chủ tịch [The Anecdotes about Chairman Hồ’s Life of Activities]was the version translated from the Chinese original. (Thiên Đức. “ Vụ Án Buôn Vua Việt Nam Hồ Chí Minh [The Case of Selling the Vietnam King, Hồ Chí Minh] . Đối Thoại [Dialogue]. February, 2009. www.doithoaionline.com).
Phạm Quế Dương in his article “A Proposal for Clarifying the Issue: Is Hồ Chí Minh a Vietnamese or a Taiwanese?” observed: “The Anecdotes about Hồ Chí Minh, under the pen name Trần Dân Tiên, (The original Chinese Version Ba Nguyên Thư Ốc ) was published in Shanghai in 1949 [sic]. In 1958, the title of the book was changed to Những Mẩu Chuyện về Cuộc Đời Hoạt động của Hồ Chủ tịch [The Anecdotes about Chairman Hồ’s Life of Activities], published in Vietnamese in Hanoi”.
So, for what readership did Ho Chi Minh write his autobiography? Or he did not know Vietnamese?
Trần Đỉnh in his Đèn Cù [Animated Revolving Lantern] recounted when Hồ Chí Minh was visiting Mông Cáy, he appeared to be familiar with all the whereabouts and very proficient in the Hakka language. Professor Hồ Tuấn Hùng, in his Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo [A Study of Hồ Chí Minh’s Life] referred to the fact that Hồ Tập Chương, a Hakka, had once worked in Mông Cáy.
Concerning proficiency in Vietnamese, a Vietnamese so well versed in Chinese like Hồ Chí Minh, who could use his finger to write Chinese calligraphy, should be a scholar in Vietnamese, his native tongue, or at least on a par with his proficiency in Chinese, but not far less. Nevertheless, Hồ Chí Minh had to squander 4 years (1460 days) to write a two-page last will, to be kept top secret. The ideas contained therein are so poor; the handwriting is like a chicken scratch, filled with misspellings and incorrect diacritic accents. He needed 3 different corrections (in 1965, 1968, and 1969) before it was approved with the certifying signature of the Party Secretary General Lê Duẩn. He read Vietnamese aloud with a vaguely foreign accent, not like the Nghệ An dialect at all, and after a few words, had to look at the script that had been prepared ahead of time. (See https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nCPdpYMrhzI).
- Other Historical Facts
Besides, other historical details point to the postulation that Nguyễn Ái Quốc had died and Hồ Tập Chương was playing the role of Nguyễn Ái Quốc/Hồ Chí Minh from 1934 to 1969.
Under the pen name Trần Thắng Lợi, Hồ Chí Minh wrote the article “Our Party”, which included the following passage: “By the end of 1929, comrade Nguyễn Ái Quốc returned to China, along with other representatives coming for a meeting in Hong Kong. Of the 7, 8 representatives, besides Comrade Nguyễn Ái Quốc and me, there do remain now…” This sentence demonstrates that Hồ Chí Minh and Nguyễn Ái Quốc were two different people.
In an exhibition in Hanoi with the theme “Chairman Hồ Chí Minh and China”, a picture of Hồ Quang (Hu Guang) was presented as Hồ Chí Minh. The vhqdnvt blog of the Nguyễn Văn Trỗi Cultural Military Academic, from [sic] August 2, 2007, acknowledged that “Major Hu Guang of the Chinese PLA (1938-1940) was Hồ Chí Minh”. (Phạm Quang Chiểu. “Tàu Cộng công bố Hồ Chí Minh chính là Thiếu Tá Hồ Quang thuộc quân đội Nhân Dân Tàu Cộng!” [Communist China declared Hồ Chí Minh was Major Hu Guang of the Communnist Chinese PLA).
Both China and the Vietnamese Communist Party acknowledged that Major Hu Guang of the Chinese PLA was Hồ Chí Minh. In the meantime, an archived document in China revealed some short sentences accompanying a blurred picture (with legible annotations in Vietnamese, Chinese, and English) as follows: “Brief autobiography of Hu Guang [i.e., Chairman Hồ Chí Minh] at the Nam Nhạc [南岳] training class, Hunan. In 1939, Hu Guang, 38 years of age, was in charge of the radio, in Guangdong. Major. Graduated from Lingnan University; High School Teacher; knows foreign languages and native tongue.” (Vy Thanh. Hồ Chí Minh Cứu Nước? (Hồ Chí Minh Saved the Country?). 1st ed. Tủ sách Sự Thật (Truth Library). Seal Beach, Calif., USA, 2016).
Hu Guang in this case was definitely not Hồ Chí Minh/Nguyễn Ái Quốc, but Hồ Chí Minh/Hồ Tập Chương. Hồ Tập Chương was born in 1901; therefore, he was 38 years old in 1939. Only Hồ Tập Chương graduated from college and was a high school teacher.
Furthermore in his book, Những Kỷ niệm về Bác Hồ [Recollections about Uncle Hồ], journalist Hoàng Tùng recounted the following anecdote: “Uncle asked me: “While you were in the city this afternoon, did you hear anything strange?” I replied, “Venerable Comrade, there were two incidents: the first one was people were gossiping about whether Hồ Chí Minh was Nguyễn Ái Quốc.” Uncle inquired, “How did our comrades respond?” My reply was that their response was ambiguous: They did not say yes, nor did they say no. Uncle said, “Their response was accurate, then.”
The fact that Hồ Chí Minh asserted he was not Nguyễn Ái Quốc was confirmed in a fairly large number of times. In his Từ Thực dân đến Cộng sản: Một Kinh nghiệm của Lịch sử Việt Nam [From Colonialism to Communism: A Case History of North Vietnam], Hoàng Văn Chí also mentioned that Hồ Chí Minh stated many times he was not Nguyễn Ái Quốc. Even when “the specialists of the French secret service appraised with certainty that Hồ Chí Minh was Nguyễn Ái Quốc, although, after 20 years of extreme hardship, his frame and face features had changed a great deal. The evidence was his right earlobe was pointed in the two pictures while the left one was even”. But Hồ kept denying it, saying that he was not Nguyễn Ái Quốc. Even when General Salan, a French representative who attended the 1946 negotiations, asked Hồ directly, he still kept on denying it. (Trần Việt Bắc. Hồ Chí Minh: “Đồng Chí Nguyễn Ái Quốc và Tôi” [Hồ Chí Minh: Comrade Nguyễn Ái Quốc and I] 10/2013).
Another historical event points to the fact that Hồ Chí Minh from 1934 on was not Nguyễn Ái Quốc, but Hồ Tập Chương. If Nguyễn Ái Quốc was alive and lived in Moscow, then Nguyễn Thị Minh Khai could not have married Lê Hồng Phong, the “new” leader of the Indochinese Communist Party.
Furthermore, If it were Nguyễn Ái Quốc, then why after his training at the International Lenin School, he did not come back straight to Vietnam but took great pains to travel thousands of miles to Diên An [延安], Mao Zedong’s headquarters, then follow General Yè Jiànyīng to the Chinese PLA camp in Guilin, which was located at the border of China and Vietnam; yet, he did not come back to Vietnam until 1941. (Hồ Tuấn Hùng. Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo [A Study of Hồ Chí Minh’s Life]).
According also to Hồ Tuấn Hùng, “In 1931 Nguyễn Ái Quốc was arrested in Hong Kong while Hồ Chí Minh was arrested by the Chinese Kuomintang in Guangzhou…In 1931, Phó Đại Khánh (Trotskyist) was jailed in the Nam Thạch Đầu prison, in Henan; he met Hồ Chí Minh and thought that man couldn’t possibly be Nguyễn Ái Quốc. At that time, Nguyễn Ái Quốc was in the Victoria Jail in Hong Kong and could not at the same time be in the Nam Thạch Đầu prison. Hence, Hồ Chí Minh in this prison had to be Hồ Tập Chương….”
Even Hồ Chí Minh himself did affirm he was Chinese. In 1951, when Hồ Chí Minh went to North Changsha, Hunan, to have an audience with Mao Zedong, he reported, “I have visited the villagers of Xinghu [姓胡] and have been staying in Hunan a few days now. I and Chairman Mao are compatriots, coming from the same motherland, China”. Mao Zedong replied, “If you visited Xinghu, you are Chinese. In China, whatever you need will be provided per your requests. However, you must realize the Cultural Revolution because you are the person who initiated the country of Vietnam. “. (Huỳnh Tâm. Danlambao, Paris: Episode 23/27).
Huỳnh Tâm, based on an archived document of the Republic of China Military, reported, “At midnight, on August 29, 1942, The Republic of China military cast its net wide and captured Hồ Tập Chương at the secret zone of Túc vinh, Tĩnh Tây District, Cao Bằng Province, Vietnam. [Tĩnh Tây nowadays belongs to Guangxi, China]. During Colonel Tan Dewen’s [谭德文] interrogation, under the direction of General Trương Phát Khuê [张发奎], Hồ Tập Chương confessed the following: “Sir, This is my brief autobiography: born in 1901 (Emperor Meiji the 34th), birth name Hồ Tập Chương [胡集璋], on October 11 of the year of the Ox, at Tóngluó Xiāng [銅鑼鄉] Ranch, Miáolì [苗栗] District, a native Hakka [客家], Taiwan… My father’s name is Hồ Dần Lượng, and my mother’s name is Ly Thị. I am the 7th of the ten children. My father graduated from college with a B.A., taught students at home, and at the same time worked as an apothecary and healer for a living. From 1910 to 1915, I attended Tóngluó Xiāng High School; from 1916 to 1921, I attended the Faculty of Applied Chemistry at Taipei Industrial College and graduated in 1921. In 1922, I came back to Miáolì and, together with my eldest brother, started a wine distillery factory and also in collaboration with a friend, produced soy sauce. In 1925, I was introduced by Zhou Enlai to join the Chinese Communist Party. In 1926, I was married to a girl from the same village by the name of Lín Guǐ [林鬼]. In 1928, she gave birth to a girl named Hồ Tố Mai. In the Fall of 1927, I boarded a ship at Kaelung on its way to Hong Kong. I then joined the International Communist Economy and Finance Pacific Labor Union. In the same year, I gained the confidence of the Party and was recommended to join the PLA army in Kaelung, Guangxi. After graduating from the Huangpu Military Academy, I was assigned the code names Hu Guang or Hu De and Lý Thuỵ, with the pen name Hồ Cẩm. My military rank is colonel [sic] and my last code name is Hồ Chí Minh [胡志明]”.
Colonel Tan Dewen [谭德文] continued to interrogate Hồ Tập Chương:
“How long have you been in operation in Vietnam and in what capacity?”
“Sir, I, together with a group of officers, under the direction of the Central (Chairman Mao), established the PKP-1930 (老党, PKP-1930-The Vietnamese Communist Party) on November 7, 1930. My responsibility was to promote the Vietnamese people’s fight to seize power, under the strategy of “unity of laborers and peasants” per the revolutionary language. The objective of invading Vietnam was to assimilate it into China with the ultimate goal of establishing a Chinese government abroad, culminating in a unified international revolutionary movement, specifically with the colonized countries establishing Soviet governments to determine the direction for the spreading of Marxism in the 20th century. At present, we are in preparation for the establishment of the Myanmar Association (the Deqin Party), which will become the propaganda center for Marxism. This is the most trustworthy Marxist weapon and those who differ in opinions and fight against us will be eliminated”. (Huỳnh Tâm. Danlambao. Paris: Oct. 19, 2017, Episode 1 and Oct. 21, 2017, Episode 2).
Finally, according to life experiences, anybody would believe that the last wish of a dying person is the one that is the truest to one’s heart. Hồ Chí Minh’s last wish before he died of a heart disease, on September 2, 1969, was to listen to a Chinese song. In an article entitled, “Ba lần Bác cười trước lúc Đi xa” [Three Times Uncle Smiled before He Passed], published on the qdnd.vn website of the Vietnamese government on Jan. 25, 2010, translated by Nguyễn Hòa from an article written by Vương Tinh Minh, head nurse of the Peking Hospital, a member of the group of doctors who came to Vietnam to take care of Uncle Hồ in August 1969, there was the following passage: “That evening, Uncle’s health appeared to improve a little; he expressed his wish to listen to a Chinese tune. The comrades suggested that I sing. To speak the truth, I’m not that good at singing. However, to please him and because of the China-Vietnam friendship, I sang a song that everybody knew and could sing; The main idea of the song is that once put out to sea, one has to be in firm control of the oars.” (qdnh.vn. Jan. 25, 2010. “Ba lần Bác cười trước lúc Đi xa” [Three Times Uncle Smiled before He Passed]).
In sum, based on the two people’s pathology, journey to Moscow, dressing styles, physiognomy, feelings towards family, love relationships, proficiency in Vietnamese and Chinese, and other historical facts, one sees so much evidence that asserts that Nguyễn Ái Quốc died in 1932 or 1933 and that Hồ Chí Minh from 1934 on was a Chinese by the name Hồ Tập Chương (with the Code Name P.C. Lin), who was called to Moscow because he was suspected of having followed Lǐ Lìsān [李立三]. P.C. Lin “underwent the interrogation by a team of three people including Dmitry Manuilsky, Vera Vasilieva, and the head of the Chinese Secret Service Khang Sinh [康生]; Khang Sinh recommended the death penalty. However, P.C. Lin was sponsored by Vera Vasilievabecause she noticed that Hồ Tập Chương (P.C. Lin) had a physical appearance similar to Nguyễn Ái Quốc’s, as well as a similar past, and had worked together before. She, therefore, recommended that he be transformed into Nguyễn Ái Quốc, the person who had died of tuberculosis in 1932. With the Comintern’s approval, Hồ Tập Chương after five years of training became Nguyễn Ái Quốc with the code name Hu Guang, and later on Hồ Chí Minh.” (Trần Việt Bắc. Hồ Chí Minh: “Đồng Chí Nguyễn Ái Quốc và Tôi” [Hồ Chí Minh: Comrade Nguyễn Ái Quốc and I] 10/2013).
Hu Guang was the code name of Hồ Chí Minh from 1939 to 1942 after his trip from Moscow to China. “Hồ Chí Minh’s code name while in the Soviet Union was P. C. Lin (Lin is the phonetic transcription of “Lâm”, which is the surname of Hồ Tập Chương’s wife, Lín Guǐ, in Taiwan). We don’t know what P.C. was intended for, but the “Guang” in Hu Guang” was the name of Hồ Tập Chương’s only son, Hu Thu Guang, in Taiwan”. (Phạm Quang Chiểu. “Tàu Cộng công bố Hồ Chí Minh chính là Thiếu Tá Hồ Quang thuộc quân đội Nhân Dân Tàu Cộng!”[Communist China declared that Hồ Chí Minh was Major Hu Guang of the Chinese PLA Army!”).
The conclusion that whether or not Nguyễn Ái Quốc died in 1932 or 1933 and whether or not Hồ Chí Minh was a Chinese impersonating Nguyễn Ái Quốc should be the result of the accurate assessment of the value of the historical documents and the carefully and thoroughly measured judgment of each reader. And also obviously, the conclusion will have a very profound influence – concerning political activities – on the destiny of the Vietnamese Communist Party and the future of our beloved Vietnamese people and country.
REFERENCES
Photocopy of the newspaper L’Humanité, Tuesday, August 9, 1932
L’Humanité, Year 29, N0. 12292, Tuesday, August, 1932. Translated by Trần Thị Hải Ý (Danlambao)
Duiker, William J. Ho Chi Minh. New York: Hyperion, 2000.
Hồ Tuấn Hùng. Hồ Chí Minh Bình Sinh Khảo. Translated by Thái Văn, January 11, 2013.
http://viteuu.blogspot.com/2013/06/ho-chi-minh-sinh-binh-khao-cua-ho-tuan.html
Huỳnh Tâm. “Hu Zhiming, the Most Notorious Con Artist”. (15 episodes)
http://danlambaovn.blogspot.com/2017/11/hu-zhiming-ten-ma-au-ai-bip-ky-1.ht
Lacouture, Jean. Ho Chi Minh: A Political Biography. Trans. Peter Wiles. New York: Random House, 1968.
Lê Bá Vận. “Rambling about September 2 and Hồ Chí Minh”. http://www.ykhoahuehaingoai.com
Mark Bowde. Huế 1968: A Turning Point of the American War in Vietnam. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, June 2017.
Nguyên Thạch. “About Hồ Chí Minh”.
Paul Draken. Paul Draken’s Diary – Notes about Ho Chi Minh. YAO Publisher, 2000?
Phạm Quang Chiểu. “THE THIEF IN THE NAMES OF NGUYỄN ÁI QUỐC AND HỒ CHÍ MIH”. November 9, 2018.
Phạm Quang Chiểu. “Communist China Declared Hố Chí Minh was Major Hồ Quang of the Chinese People Liberation Army!”
Phạm Quế Dương. “A Proposal for Clarifying the Issue: Was Chairman Hồ Chí Minh a Vietnamese or a Taiwanese?”
Tinh Vệ (Diệu Tần). “Busting the Prison Diary” (Originally, A Hoax or Legend): The Vietnam Culture Association Interviewing Professor Lê Hữu Mục. http://giaocam.saigonline.com
Trần Bình Nam. “A Historical Doubt about Hồ Chí Minh”. Feb. 26, 2013.
Trần Đỉnh. Đèn Cù [Animated Revolving Lantern]. Hoa Kỳ: Người Việt Books, 2014.
Vy Thanh. Hồ Chí Minh Saved the country? https://app.luminpdf.com/viewer/Mx9sXAw6dzn6bfekb
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